Policy Forum

Brent Choi, a North Korea Specialist at the the Joongang Daily in the ROK, writes: By the end of 2005 Kim [Jong-Il] must improve ties with the U.S. through resolving the nuclear crisis and induce Japanese capital to his state. At home he must re-organize his ruling party and establish a strong basis to revive its economy by promoting investment from Japan and other countries. But if Kim fails to address those problems in timely manner he will not only be heir-less but also under serious military threat from the outside. Time is definitely not on his side.

Gary Leupp, Professor of History at Tufts University, and Adjunct Professor of Comparative Religion, writes: the neocons only want to cooperate in a scenario that destroys the North Korean regime, discredits forever anyone in the South who feels any sympathy with it, and suppresses the anti-American attitudes of those who want to negotiate with someone they label a tyrannical dictator.

David Kang, Associate Professor of Government at Dartmouth College and co-author of Nuclear North Korea: A Debate on Engagement Strategies, writes: if the current Northeast Asian countries’ policy of economic cooperation and trade were to bear fruit, then it is not inconceivable that the US itself — not North Korea — may become the odd man out.

Andrei Lankov, senior lecturer at the Australian National University, writes: in the long run the system appears doomed. Sooner or later the gradual disintegration of the police and security apparatus, increasing access to unauthorized information along with manifold social changes will bring it down, probably, in a chain of dramatic, even cataclysmic events.

Dr. Larry M. Wortzel, vice president for foreign policy and defense studies at The Heritage Foundation, writes: President Bush has made it clear on several occasions that he wants a peaceful, negotiated settlement on the Korean Peninsula and has no intention of initiating the use of force against North Korea.

Ruediger Frank, Professor of East Asian Political Economy at the University of Vienna, writes: by reducing his own role for the ideological stability of the system, Kim Jong-il might be resolving one of the most pressing issues in North Korean domestic politics: his succession.

Edward J. Lincoln, Senior Fellow, the Council on Foreign Relations, writes: pursued carefully with a dose of leadership by the U.S. government, APEC can continue the process of nudging the Asia Pacific region closer together economically and helping the poorer members to put themselves on a path to rapid economic growth and development.

Steve Noerper, vice president of Intellibridge and a Nautilus Institute Associate, writes: “Given its NWFZ status, transition from a Stalinist economy, and ‘low frequency broadcast’ of democracy, Mongolia is seeking to position itself as a more relevant regional player.”

Charles Pritchard, Visiting Fellow for Foreign Policy Studies at the Brookings Institution and former Ambassador and Special Envoy for Negotiations with North Korea, writes: The U.S. presidential election is behind us. President Bush will lead the United States for the next four years. He faces many challenges, but none more dangerous than the situation in North Korea.

John J. Tkacik Jr, a research fellow at the Heritage Foundation in Washington, D.C., writes: “In these important foreign-policy matters, a candid, clear dialogue between Washington and Beijing is essential if both sides are to avoid stumbling into a crisis.”