CONTENTS
1. PRC Weapons Proliferation
2. PRC-Russia Relations
3. ROK-DPRK-US Diplomatic Relations
4. US-Georgia Anti-terror War
5. US Missile Defense
II. People’s Republic of China 1. ROK-DPRK-US Relations
2. PRC-US Relations
3. PRC-US Weapons Proliferation
4. PRC-Japan Relations
5. Cross-straits Relations
6. Japan’s Domestic Political Situation
III. Japan 1. Japanese New Security Legislation
2. Japan-DPRK Spy Boat Incident
CONTENTS
1. Hu US Visit
2. PRC-US Weapons Proliferation
3. Cross-Straits Relations
4. Taiwan’s Domestic View of US and PRC
5. PRC Domestic Politics
6. US-Philippines Anti-terror War
7. Inter-Korean Lunar Celebration
8. DPRK-ROK Relations
II. Republic of Korea 1. ROK–DPRK New Year Celebration
2. PRC Strategies for Korean Peninsula
3. DPRK–US Relations
4. Dorasan Station
United States 1. US Nuclear Policy The Bush administration is no longer standing by a 24-year-old US pledge not to use nuclear weapons against non-nuclear states, a senior administration official said yesterday. John Bolton, undersecretary of state for arms control and international security, said in an interview, “The idea that fine theories of deterrence work […]
CONTENTS
1. US Nuclear Policy
2. Bush PRC Visit
3. DPRK-US Diplomatic Relations
4. US-ROK-DPRK Diplomatic Relations
5. US-Philippines Anti-terror War
6. ROK Olympic Boycott
II. People’s Republic of China 1. US-DPRK Relations
2. Bush’s Japan Visit
3. Bush’s PRC Visit
4. PRC-US Relations
5. PRC-Japanese Relations
6. US-Russian Negotiation on Arms Control
III. Japan 1. Bush Japan Visit
2. Japan’s View of “Axis of Evil”
3. Japan Immigration Violations
CONTENTS
1. US-ROK Summit
2. DPRK-US Relations
3. PRC-US Visit
4. Taiwan-US Arms Sales
II. Republic of Korea 1. US Pacific Security
2. Anti-Bush Protests
The following article was contributed by Peter M. Beck, Director of Research at the Korea Economic Institute of America. Beck argues that the Bush administration’s current campaign against North Korea has more to do with political convenience than it does with combating terrorism. Consequently, Beck asserts that if the Bush administration has decided to be part of the problem rather than part of the solution, then it is ultimately up to the North and the South to determine the fate of the Korean Peninsula.
The following article was contributed by Bryan Port who is presently a graduate student at Georgetown University and an analyst with SAIC supporting a military client. Port asserts that the present Sunshine Policy is incapable of dealing with a politically deteriorating North Korea and ineffective in terms of threat reduction and reunification. Consequently, Port argues that micro-projects must be put in place to prepare for the inevitable collapse of North Korea. Port offers pragmatic examples of micro-engagement such as North-South joint reforestation programs, information technology, infrastructure improvement, and municipal management.
